Alexdockg’s Weblog

Last week I received news about the death of a young schoolgirl. She was visiting school No. 70 in Bischkek, which is located on Bakonbaeva / Manasa. The school is known for its good reputation. Which is a problem. It is the reason why many concerned parents try to place their kid at that particular school. At least here classes are taught and teacher do come to work. A friend of mine, who got his younger sister on that school now reports high level of motivation from the side of his sister.

However, one problem becomes obvious: the school is overpopulated. Classes consist of 40 and more students and teachers are overcharged with the task to control this load of teens. The directorate tries to prevent more students from entering the school (I witnessed it, when my friend got his sister put there) but one call from somewhere up the educational (or political) hierarchy and the question is settled. Certainly money also plays a role, too. Today, the school hosts double the amount of students that it is actually formally allowed to.

Since control can’t be exerted (too many students) and kids from rich parents meet those who are just living in the region and therefore have the right to a place, the atmosphere is somehow fraught with tension. Recently organized raids among the kids have become a problem in particular (next to organized fights between groups of (male) students from different schools). The ‘cool’ guys pick a victim and force it to pay them money, they tease it and sometimes they beat it up. As far as I heard, this problem is widespread. The directorate tries to work on the problem by inviting parents and informing them about the raids.

Unfortunately this was not enough for a little girl of 12 years. She jumped out of the window of the fourth floor of the building where she lived with her parents. She was presumably heavily mobbed by students from the school and so despaired, that she allegedly tried to hang herself. Her father saved her that time. Several days later she jumped.

Now the big question is: who is responsible for the death of a 12 year old girl who could not find another exit out of her misery but to commit suicide. The school directorate? Surely they could have done more to get people engage and work on the problem. What about the parents in all this? Actually I don’t dare to judge them. All I heard is that they were well off, so that usual cut and dry opinions probably don’t work in this case (like poor parents or alcohol or absolute carelessness).

It is easier to see the politician’s guilt in this tragedy. A teacher who is starting to work at a school after coming from the university gets a salary of some hundred som. Not enough to make a living. That’s why most of them start to work a second job. Or they start to sell grades. Most schools can’t prevent their teachers from doing so because the directors know that the salary is not enough. Or they participate in the grade selling. As a consequence, many schools provide only basic education and are not considered to be good. Some seem not to function at all.

More money is needed for the educational system. Why not reducing the numbers of ministries and state agencies and using the saved money for the educational system? Or using money from the presidential administration’s extern budget (made up of grants and privatizations). Or closing the administration at all? And using all the money for schools! (it is quite a lot, what the tax payer has to pay for the presidential administration, which is doubled in its functions by the premier’s administration, which itself is mirrored by the ministries of the government). Finally deciding on the structure of the educational system which in itself today is regulated by many contradicting rules where on type of school (like the tekhnikumy) are under direct control of the ministry of education (and thus Ishengul’ Boldzhurova) where others are supposed to be regulated by local bodies (РОО), the municipalities have to pay for TeploVodaEnergia, the rayon decides on the director, the director on the teachers, which are paid by the central state. Some more coherence in the structure of the educational system (without reference to the question of centralized or decentralized) would probably lead to an optimized performance of the overall system.

The result could be less stress and more self confidence from the side of the teachers, more school selection options for the parents and, consequently, more motivation from the side of the students. It remains to be seen, if the current government under Chudinov is willing to spend more time on the needs of the educational sector and if Ishengul’ Boldzhurova can dedicate herself to a long lasting reform. So far it seems that Chudinov is fully occupied to privatize what has been left of the state’s strategic assets and Boldzhurova criticizes the current situation but without suggesting a way out of the crisis.

A reform of the educational system is neccessary. The tragic case of the young girl should alert the legislators and the executive branch to finally do something about the ever deteriorating situation. Before another teen is so despaired that she decides to kill herself and jumps …

On April 12th AKIpress informed its readers about the European Parliament’s intention to cooperate with the Zhogorku Kenesh, probably on issues, already taken care of by special programs realized by UNDP and the European Comission. The same day AKIpress broadcasts a story about the protest of some hundred marshrutki drivers, who demand to increase ticket prices for a marshrutki trip up to ten som (almost 20 EuroCent) from now five som.

You wonder what the connection is between the two? In my opinion it is a brillant example of bad opportunities for development aid - but realized; and good opportunities for development aid - but even not recognized. The cooperation between EU Parliament and Zhogorku Kenesh promises to fail entirely like all its predecessors (actually being counterproductive) whereas the conflict of the marshrutki drivers could serve a testing field for new development-aid instruments aiming at better articulation and aggregation of real (cause related to material needs - “how to feed a family”) interests.

The marshrutki drivers in Bishkek do have a real problem. They are too many, there income depends on the numbers of passengers they transport and next to hungry kids at home they have to feed hungry chinovniki higher up in the city administration (greetings to Мэр Daniyar Usenov), hungry representatives of various controlling bodies (TekhObzor, GAI, etc.) and the ever hungry global market of increasing gas prices. The last point in particular became a problem recently, since gas prices increased in Kyrgyzstan 10% - 15% in 2007. And it is likely that they will increase even further, taking into consideration higher demand on the world market. The state company Kyrgyzneftegaz promised stable prices for gas for 2008, but that promise was made in January this year.

Transport service has always been tough in Bishkek. Thousands of Taxi drivers compete with marshrutkas and trolleybuses. The income for drivers of mashrutki and taxis depends on the number of passengers they serve. That pushes every marhsrutki driver first of all to stop wherever a possible client is waiting and waving his/her hand. Against all traffic rules of course. And it encourages them to carry as many passengers as possible. Correspondingly a marshrutka that is build to carry 15 passengers can be found stuffed with more than 25 clients. No need to mention an ever increasing level of aggression on all sides and thus high danger for car accidents.

It would be absolutely interesting to find more about this whole system called public transport in Bishkek. I remember a marshrutka driver, who was serving the road between Bishkek and Kant. He explained to me, that he has to complete an technical test, a breathalyzer test and one more test (don’t remember what it was) every morning before he starts driving. Obviously neither he (breathalyzer test) nor his marshrutka (technical check) were undergoing those tests. He told me, that he payed 5 som for each test as a bribe, so to get the necessary stamp. And then would start to work … - Really, I think it would be great to have some detailed information on the whole system, especially about the corruption chains starting from the poor driver up to … well, wherever it ends.

Development aid could work on this issue, building contacts to western-based union-representatives. Another option could be the organization of public space so for the protesting drivers to articulate their demands. And the organization of even more publicity with the hope to aid the aggregation of these real interests.

However, EU parliamentarians are more concerned with the fostering of good relations with the Zhogorku Kenesh deputies. Someday soon, the EU Parliament wants to send a delegation to conduct some discussions on what to cooperate on and what for. I think it will do what the EU commission is already doing (and is proud of):

“Основной целью Парламентского проекта Европейской комиссии и ПРООН является оказание долгосрочной технической помощи Жогорку Кенешу КР в целях усиления его потенциала для исполнения возложенных на него представительской, законодательной и контрольной функций.”

This basically means that EU is providing computers for the Zhogorku Kenesh administration (perhaps for some deputy’s assistants as well?) and some more technical stuff (printer, copy machine, some new technology for the recording section). At least this time they can trace where the new technology has gone, once the parliament is newly elected. Speaker Adakhan Madumarov is responsible for the ZhK administration and its officials.

The second sentence is about the cooperation for enhancing the ZhK’s potential to fulfill its controlling function. That is ridiculous. It would have been a sign of political protest, if the EU Parliament forced the European Commission to end all its activities regarding the Zhogorku Kenesh after the december elections. Now we have a rubber stamp parliament, where the speaker feels himself king, the ruling party (two-third majority) doesn’t care and the two pseudo oppositional parties are too small and too unwilling to really engage in political fight (most ridiculous the former communists under Iskhak Masaliev).

It is even worse, since the new parliament voted for a new statute, that grants the right to speak in front of the parliament only to heads of committees, initiators of legislative acts, the heads of the factions and the speaker and his deputies. That means, that basically every deputy has been deprived of his right to represent! … and thus to control!

So, why cooperation, if the structure doesn’t allow for it (next to the fact, that politically none is willing to exert control)? Control follows the political will to monitor the power holders. This will can’t be found in the parliament today. It is part of the executive branch and will not go for open conflict, as long as Bakiev pleases the deputies of his party Ak-Zhol. The political will is outside the parliament, some part of it is left in the dying opposition movement, the rest can be easily found in overstuffed marshrutki.

(p.s.: perhaps someone should propose to the EU Parliamentarians not to stay all day in Hyatt Regency Hotel in Bishkek (big fence around the building so that the EU representatives can not get in touch with the outer reality!) but actually try to make a ride with a marshrutka, let’s say with the 214 from Zapadnyj Avtovokzal through Osh Bazaar to Alamedin Bazaar. On a hot day, around 5pm.

I am sure they would feel the difference!)