Comments on the Local Elections in Kyrgyzstan (October 5th) – II

Das Weiße Haus in Bischkek. Die siebte Etage gilt gemeinhin als Ort der politischen Absprachen. Laut den gesammelten Kommentaren trifft das auch im Falle der Lokalwahlen zu.

5)

27-10-2008 13:22от : Derjinka

Дык так оно и было по всем округам! Например, по Тоголок-Молдосскому изначально аким всех проинформировал, что будет Кадыров, Акназарова, Завьялова и Табалдиев, мол ему так белый Дом сказал! А бедные члены коммиссии так напугались, что переусердствовали, да так, что генерала-полковника Чотбаева с первого места по реальным голосам народа убрали за десятку, а его голоса отдали вышеперечисленным.

ÜBERSETZUNG: „Dyk, so war es auch in allen anderen Wahlkreisen. Zum Beispiel, im Togolok-Moldo Wahlkreis hatte der Akim alle von Beginn an informiert, dass es Kadyrov, Aknazarov, Zav’jalova und Tabaldiev werden, angeblich hatte es ihm so das Weiße Haus aufgetragen. Und die armen Mitglieder der Kommission waren so erschrocken, dass sie sich überbemühten, so sehr, dass sie den Generaloberst Chotbaev vom ersten Platz nach ralen Wahlstimmen auf den zehnten zurücksetzen und dessen Stimmen an die oben Genannten verteilten“

Comments on Local Elections in Kyrgyzstan (October, 5th)

Im Folgenden ein paar Kommentare, wie man sie auf kyrgyzischen Newssites kurz nach der Bekanntgabe erster Resultate finden konnte (Übersetzungen füge ich in den nächsten Tagen hinzu):

1)

„в день выборов по дороге в на свой участок, где я должна была проголосовать впервые в жизни, было много соблазнов: предложили безэкзаменационное поступление в Арабаева, если проголосую за ректора Бекбоева, потом по дороге кучкавались по 2-3 человек, которые сували мне календарики – даже не знаю кто такие, предложили 200 сомов за одного мужика, вроде токтосатаров. Я взяла деньги, пообщала поступить в арабаева, собрала календарики а на участке проголосовала за свою сестру ) но мне было грустно от того, что в нашем кыргызстане такое творится. моя сестра не прошла, хотя у нее были хорошие шансы, и ректоры не прошли … не знаю радоваться тому что я уезжаю на 5 лет учиться зарубеж и на меня не будут влиять здешняя корупция и др-епроблемы или горевать, что так же как и я с кыргызстана уезжает передовая молодежь“

ÜBERSETZUNG: „Am Wahltag, auf meinem Weg ins Wahlbüro, wo ich zum ersten Mal in meinem Leben wählen gehen sollte, gab es viele Versuchungen: angeboten wurde der Einstiegstest-freie Zugang zur Arabaeva- Universität, für den Fall, dass ich für Bekboev wählen würde, anschließend häften sich auf dem Weg zwei bis drei Leute, die mich mit Kalendern zuschütteten – ich weiß nicht mal, wer die waren, sie boten mir 200 Som an für einen der Bauern, wahrscheinlich toktosatarov. Ich nahm das Geld, versprach mich in der Arabaeva einzuschreiben, sammelte die Kalenderchen ein und gab anschließend im Wahlbüro meine Stimme für meine Schwester ab ) trotzdem, ich war erschüttert, dass so etwas bei uns in Kyrgyzstan abläuft. Meine Schwester hat es dann auch nicht geschafft, obwohl sie gute Chancen hatte, und die Rektoren haben es ebenfalls nicht geschafft … keine Ahnung, soll ich mich freuen, dass ich für die nächsten fünf Jahre wegen Auslandsstudium das Land verlasse und mich die hiesige Korruption dann nicht mehr anficht, ganz zu schweigen von den anderen Problemen, oder muss ich betrübt sein, weil genauso wie ich die erste Riege der Jugend Kyrgyzstan verlässt“

2)

07-10-2008 15:08	от : man
Это не выборы а так игра простая. Пока не знаю результатов всех но знаю что бывший водитель и близкий родственник шли на эти выборы.Дети бывших депутатов и прочие поддерживаемые кыргызскими олигархами кандидаты. Они ничего не будут решать. Выборы 2004 года действительно были с гонками и соперничеством.А тут заранее все решено. Народ не верит ни во что.

ÜBERSETZUNG: „Das waren keine Wahlen sondern einfach ein Spiel. Ich kenne noch nicht alle Ergenisse aber ich weiß, dass ein ehemaliger Fahrer und ein enger Verwandter an den Wahlen teilgenommen haben. Die Kinder ehemaliger Abgeordneter und andere Kandidaten, welche die Unterstützung kyrgyzischer Oligarchen haben. Die werden nichts entscheiden. Die Wahlen 2004 waren tatsächlich ein Wettlauf und mit Konkurrenz. Dieses Mal wurde alles vorher entschieden. Das Volk glaubt an nichts mehr:“

3)

07-10-2008 15:32	от : mikayan2
что-то мне подсказывает что под шифром „самовыдвежение“ скрывается „Ак-Жол“

ÜBERSETZUNG: „irgendetwas sagt mir, dass sich hinter der Chiffre ‘Eigennominierung’ ‘Ak-Zhol’ versteckt“

4)

Ребята, реально был беспредел, сами посудите ата девушка 87 года прошла по округу где я живу, там баллотировался Чотбаев и он, имея авторитет, там не прошел, а прошла эта салопедка агиток которых я даже не видел, никто не приносил материалов о ней и агитаторов не было, встреч тоже. Резонный вопрос: как она прошла? ведь понятно, что за нее было минимум голосов, если вообще были

ÜBERSETZUNG: „Leute, das war wirklich Willkür, macht euch selbst ein Urteil; dieses Fräulein mit Geburtsjahr 1987 kandidierte in meinem Wahlkreis, wo auch Chotbaev sich aufgestellt hatte, der über Autorität verfügt, und er hat es nicht geschafft, sondern diese  salopedka [?] der Agitationen, die ich nicht mal gesehen habe, niemand hat mir Materialien über sie gebracht und Agitatoren gab es auch nicht, ebenso keine Treffen [mit ihr]. Logische Frage: wie hat sie es geschafft? Schließlich ist klar, dass sie nur eine geringe Anzahl von Stimmen bekommen hat, wenn überhaupt welche.

On the Local Elections in Kyrgyzstan – Chapter Three

Today I wanted to provide you with my second example of the use of destructive election campaign methods in Kyrgyzstan. This time the destructive energy is directed at the educational system in the republic, and it clearly shows how democratic elections – unfortunately – can turn into a burden for people studying or working at facilities of higher education.

Askar Abdykadyrovich Bekboev (Бекбоев, Аскар Абдыкадырович)

Askar Abdykadyrovich is rector of the Kyrgyz State University named after I. Arabaev or short: Arabaev University. This university gained some reputation in the last years, being located in the center of Bishkek where it started to develop something like a campus atmosphere and actually managing to host some international scholars as well. According to my information the number of students is increasing and in contrast to the Kyrgyz National University (for example) rumors about corruption are not that widespread (but do exist of course). Being a successful university rector Askar Abdykadyrovich somehow decided to open a new chapter in his life and to run as a candidate in the Bishkek City Kenesh elections.

He did so by self-nomination, getting his candidacy registered in the Junusalievskij election district (no. 5). Next to him there were some 38 more candidates registered, so roughly ten candidates were competing for one seat. A tough game to be played, but Askar Abdykadyrovich seemed sure to possess the right means for winning the race. As was the case with Almazbek Toktobekovich Mambetkaziev, he decided to rely on his subordinates. A huge staff of people working in the administration and much more serving as teachers formed a brilliant kommanda to actively promote the ideas of the rector for developing our beloved capital.

Actually I could not manage to get information on his лозунги or his political program. But I am sure, that education was high on the agenda, since he works in this field. And again, as it was the case with the previously mentioned physician, it was this very sphere of life, where his own campaign caused huge damage.

I was struck when I heard from students that they were released from classes, because the teachers left for campaigning. Askar Abdykadyrovich forced his teachers not only to work for his political aims but also did it by suspending the course of studies of his students. As usual there were few choices left for the teachers. It was either leaving the campus for campaigning or leaving it for ever. I was told that Askar Abdykadyrovich did not fully trust his teachers. So he sent relatives (who also do work in the university) after them, controlling the campaigning performance of his subordinates. Not only teachers were ordered to spread Askar Abdykadyrovich’s word and message to the potential voters, but also some of the students were sent out into the campaign field. Usually those of the students who serve as starosti, were asked to participate. Starosti are students that act as heads of students groups, communicating between students and professors, watching after the class book and fulfilling other organizational stuff.

Together with their teachers they were running from door to door, asking (or begging) people to vote for caring Askar Abdykadyrovich and promising heaven on earth, while knowing themselves that the candidate was less than suitable for a seat in the City Kenesh. To the dismay of Akar Bekboev he did not win one of the seats. He had to acknowledge defeat and move aside for such unknown figures like Kamaldin Toktosartov, who is a specialist at the Municipal-Territorial Administration no. 11 in Bishkek or like Nurdin Kozhogulov, who is an entrepreneur and born in 1980. I had never heard of this people and i don’t know how they managed to get into the Kenesh or what their connections are (but there must be some, не так ли?). It seems more understandable why Nurlan Sadykov was elected in the Junusalievskij electoral district. Being one of the head of branches of the department for state administration and governance in the presidential administration it was only fair to assume that he will win a seat. And Natalja Sherbakova earned her entrance into the „second parliament“ by being enlisted with the party Moja Strana; since this party doesn’t exist any more (at least informally it dissolved) but merged with Ak-Zhol we can assume, that Natal’ja Anatol’evna’s connections to the power are quiet developed.

Now, is all this good, because bad guy Askar Abdykadyrovich was prevented from entering the City Kenesh? Or is this bad, because even less autonomous people got into the council? Having (s)elected candidates in advance, those ones being handpicked didn’t care much about their campaign and thus didn’t bother potential campaigners, i.e. subordinates. This is of course great, cause it meant less stress for the voters (and potential subordinates)! But since those-in-power didn’t communicate to the remaining candidates that the elections will not be real elections, they all tried to campaign with all the well-known consequences (for health, education, security, etc.). So, to speak of some relief for the population, caused by some early preparations of the power would be a premature conclusion. The population suffered, either by being forced to campaign or by being forced to witness the campaigns.

Many questions remain unsolved: Why were candidates campaigning, if they knew that there was a list circulating naming the future winners? Why didn’t the power communicate more directly to potential candidates that the election is actually a selection? Is the only possible conclusion that everything was staged, was simulated for reasons of deception? It doesn’t seem logical, since international organizations first of all don’t care much about local elections and secondly, this time they were even not invited. So, why then bother and causing society a headache? If someone can think of an answer,  if someone has an idea, I am most willing to hear (read) it!

Der Kyrgyzische Staat und das Norwegische Helsinki-Komitee

Willkommen zu einer weiteren Folge von „Freiheit des Meinens versus Kyrgyzischer Staat“. Am vergangenen Montag wurde die Nachricht bekannt, dass Ivar Dale, Vorsitzender der norwegischen Sektion des Helsinki Komitees in Kyrgyzstan, die Einreise in die kleine Republik verweigert wurde. Laut Informationen, wie sie in der NGO- und Menschenrechtsszene in Kyrgyzstan kursieren, dienten den Grenzbehörden angeblich falsche Bezeugungen Ivar Dales als Grund für die Annullierung seines Visums.

im Prozess der Auseinandersetzung am Manas-Flughafen wurden Ivar nicht nur keine Dokumente bezüglich der Anschuldigungen vorgelegt, sondern es wurde ihm darüber hinaus für die nächsten zehn Jahre ein Einreiseverbot ausgesprochen. Für Ivar, der mit einer Kyrgyzin verheiratet ist und sich – anders als viele äußerst bequeme Zeitgenossen und -genossinnen der westlichen Menschenrechtsszene in Kg – stets um eine möglichst „dichte Beschreibung“ der Verhältnisse in Kyrgyzstan bemüht hat, ist dieses Einreiseverbot mit Sicherheit ein harter Schlag.

So sehr die Hintergründe dieser neuen „Methode“ gegen alternative Meinungsproduzenten auch unklar sind, klar ist, worauf sich die Antipathien der Machtkamarilla um Bakiev gründen. Ivar Dale hat während seiner Arbeit in Kyrgyzstan und Zentralasien weder vor dem kyrgyzischen Hobbydespoten (zur Zeit übrings in Deutschland im Krankenhaus, das linke Bein gesunden lassen; über den Nachrichtenticker von Akipress laufen zur selben Zeit Headlines, in denen auf die Folgen von Stromausfällen für die Herzchirurgiestation im Bishkeker Krankenhaus hingewiesen wird) noch vor seinem professionellen Kollegen in Uzbekistan gekuscht. Wie im Falle der einige Wochen zurückliegenden Bürofilzung durch Mitarbeiter des kyrgyzischen Innenministeriums scheint auch dieses Mal Ivar Dales Arbeit an einer möglichst schonungslosen Beobachtung und Darstellung von Zuständen im Menschenrechtsbereich (besonders in Uzbekistan) der Grund für die unrechtmäßige Ausweisung des Komiteemitarbeiters gewesen zu sein.

Man kann nur hoffen, dass Ivars Anwälte in Kyrgyzstan den Fall vor Gericht bringen, ihn gewinnen und der Norweger zurück in seine Wahlheimat reisen kann. Im Kyrgyzstan der Bakiev’schen Dauerdepression (jetzt neu: mit regelmäßigen Stromausfällen) ist die Stimme des Helsinki-Komitees als Ausdruck der Möglichkeit, Dinge auch einfach mal anders sehen zu dürfen, unverzichtbar!

On The Local Elections In Kyrgyzstan – Part Two

In late September 2008 Bishkek was home to different political campaigns conducted by more than 400 candidates for the elections to the City Kenesh. Among them were some candidates nominated by political parties although the mass was represented by self-nominations. In any way, Bishkek gained more color when tens of thousands of posters appeared, promising heaven on earth for Bishkek citizens. What was promised was a harsh contrast to the possible means to realize the promises gained by selected candidates. Since most candidates had self-nominated, it was unclear of how those of getting elected would actually be able to push for their political demands. Sitting alone in the Bishkek City Council without any political party in the back seemed to contradict their calls for better roads, more electricity, or the solution of the eternal problem with waste disposal in the capital.

Of course everybody knew that Ak-Zhol members, i.e. people of the presidential party, were among the candidates who self-nominated their candidacy. However, next to them were many other candidates without any party affiliation and it became difficult to distinguish one from the other. Surely, now, two weeks after the elections have been held, we know who the Ak-Zhol members were, since they all got seats in the Bishkek City Council, or at least the majority of them did. It is said now, that there was a list circulating before the elections, a list that already had written the names of the supposed winners on it. If it was really like that, or if just administrative resources in the end guaranteed the entry of pro-presidential candidates into the City Kenesh remains hidden. What was clear and obvious to every observer of the elections is the high competition between candidates in Bishkek. The following story is about some of their campaign strategies and tactics.

Being sarcastic I could say: democratic – or at least competitive – elections in Kyrgyzstan are bad for health and education. Why is that? Let me provide you with my first example:

Almazbek Toktobekovich Mambetkaziev                    (Мамбетказиев, Алмазбек Токтобекович)

Almazbek Toktobekovich is a physician, working in a stomatological policlinic in Bishkek. Actually he is the head physician in the policlinic. A responsible position, that usually comes with some independence, since (head) doctors or medical specialists can not easily be fired or pressured. (At least that is what Kelly McMann (Economic Autonomy and Democracy. Hybrid Regimes in Kyrgyzstan and Russia, 2006) tells us about physicians in the Kyrgyz Republic. According to my observations this situaion is changing a bit, but as for now at least it seems the doctors feel free and ready to run in elections.) Almazbek Toktobekovich actually once already served the Bishkek population as deputy in the City Kenesh. What he has done for the city and its citizens remains unknown, has already been forgotten in this memory lacking society. Or, perhaps, there simply was nothing to be remembered. What ever it was, Almazbek Toktobekovich decided that it is time to move into the City Kenesh once more and he decided to do so by mobilizing all his resources. Especially those of the policlinic. The most valuable resources the policlinic has to offer are money and people. In case of money Almazbek Toktobekovich asked around his staff to contribute to his campaign. According to one physician, working in his policlinic he not only asked, but actually demanded from every doctor to contribute at least 200 USD to his election fund. The alternative was to loose one’s job. Either you pay or may go. Of course staff members decided to pay, so to keep the very valuable positions in the policlinic (where most money is made by receiving extra payments from patients). In addition they now were forced to make even more income so to compensate for the 200 USD. I haven’t heard anything about it but I am sure that some of the patients of the policlinic had to pay more than usual for a proper treatment in the following weeks. Unfortunately asking for money was not enough for Almazbek Toktobekovich. What do you need money for printing materials for if you don’t have anybody distributing them to the voters? Logically the chief physician once more turned to his fellow colleagues and pleaded them to help him advertising his slogans and his candidacy. This plea was based on the same principle: go for it or leave the policlinic. The staff members of the policlinic number 3 in Bishkek (actually located in the south of the city, at Akhunbaeva Street, 55) chose to obey and found themselves walking the streets of the Togolok Moldovskij electoral district (Nr. 7), where Almazbek Toktobekovich was running. They rang the bell at every door, asking people to vote for Mr. Mambetkaziev. If they refused to do so, they would risk loosing their job. I am not sure, how Almazbek Toktobekovich controlled his fellow physicians, if they really campaigned like they were asked to do. But I heard stories, that some candidates sent friends and family members after their subordinates to control the latter on their performances. To do so, the use a trick. Unlike the subordinates family members and friends know the region where the candidate is running and they know, where offical voter lists do not conform with reality. Sometimes people already moved, others are away for work and some simply died. So there is a difference between official data and real data. This difference is used by the controllers. They ask the subordinates (in our case the fellow physicians of Almazbek Toktobekovich from policlinic No. 3) if they went to a special person in the offical list, which is absent in reality. In case the subordinate does not correct the false information on the offical list it is considered that he did not perform his duty. And that may be a reason to fire him (or demand more money?). In our case I know a least from one of my informants that he ran around and tried to convince voters to vote for Mr. Mambetkaziev. In the end it turned out that all was for nothing. Almazbek Toktobekovich Mambetkaziev did not manage to enter the Bishkek City Kenesh.

Out of the four winning candidates three are so called budgetniki (бюджетники), i.e. members of staff of organizations, that are paid by the state. One, Zav’jalova, Anastasija Valer’evna (Завьялова Анастасия Валерьевна) is even not a budgetnik but a student from the Management Academy under the President of the Kyrgyz Republic, 25 years old and according to comments one of the many unresolved mysteries of this election campaign. The forth elected councilman is Tajr Kursanbekovich Tabaldyev (Табалдыев Таир Курсанбекови), a young businessman. Comments in the Internet point out that many worthy candidates didn’t make it in the third electoral district, only unknown but seemingly well connected candidates. The sort of candidates that can easily be influenced and controlled and directed from above. Exactly the sort of people, the center of power in the Kyrgyz Republic prefers to see in sensitive positions.

But I am getting away from my main topic. Next time I will provide you with my second example of destructive campaign methods, this time, destructive for the educational system.